ARE THERE A NEED FOR trade unions in the 21st
century within the most advanced Western countries? In the 19th
century and the first half of the 20th; there was only one answer in
the affirmative. Today and since the 1970s trade unions have been making
themselves obsolete by their abuse of power – even during the war London
Dockers went on strike: it was a political strike aimed at slowing down the
allied advance into Germany; thus buying time for the Soviet Union to reach
Berlin before the allies – which means that now my answer would be no.
In the
1970s, there was industrial anarchy that almost brought the kind of ruin on
this country the Greek people are facing today. The union shop stewards at what
was then British Leyland, struck at the drop of the hat over the most infantile
and immature of reasons. The Fred Kites ruled the roost. Productivity slumped
and the cars produced were little better than the Travant which their union
brother's in East Germany at the time were producing.
During
this decade British industry suffered a drought of productivity brought about
by militant trade unionism. We became known as a nation as 'the sick man of
Europe ', yet our politicians continued to appease the trade unions – I believe
that like cigarettes in the modern era, unions should now come with a health
warning.
WHEN THE REMEDY for such union anarchy was found; the woman
who provided it was demonised by liberal Britain. Margaret Thatcher brought in
a package of industrial legislation that penalised the unions for wild cat
strikes, and more importantly rid industry of the infamous closed shop that
allowed unions a say in who could or could not be employed depending on their union
membership and family connection.
In many
of this nation's docks, the closed shop meant that the hereditary principle
worked for fathers, sons, and grandsons, who were given preference over any 'outsiders'
when a job opening appeared on the docks in, at the time, a much prized and
lucrative industry. An industry where the unions, whose members worked the
cranes at our ports, had the power to disrupt the traffic of ships from
unloading their cargoes: and the unions lost little opportunity to hold their
employers to ransom, knowing that they would quickly buckle under any threat to
stop unloading ships; ships who were also working to a deadline; and who had to
return to another port for another load of vital imports. So until Thatcher
came along our economy was constantly under the blackmail of the unions
TODAY WE still have examples of such rigid behaviour from
the unions. But it materialises not from the private but the public sector
unions. The London underground is seeking to keep their lines open throughout
the night. Those driving the underground trains earn £50,000 per annum; they
work a 35 hour week, and have 40 days off a year; they earn more than a hospital
doctor, who has invested five years or more at university in order to understand
complex medical procedures.
The
unions today remain arrogantly powerful; but more so in the public rather than
the private sector. Today thousands of London commuters are being left
(effectively) stranded by the rail unions. It is no accident that the unions
pick the most inopportune times to call a strike. They will say of course, as
they do at every holiday period, including Christmas, that it is mere
coincidence that they have chosen a date to do the maximum of damage to the
public.
It is
no coincidence that the current walkout disrupts those affluent middle classes enjoying
a day at Wimbledon (the union's class enemies). Sympathy for the unions is
draining away fast. The public service unions today resemble the behaviour of their
comrades during the 1970s, from whom they seem to have inherited the full class
war hatred and spite of their socialist predecessors.
Banning
unions is not only undemocratic but pointless. But what any government could
and should do is what Margaret Thatcher did and must look again at union
legislation (especially after winning a majority last May), to see what can be
done to reign in such brattish behaviour by union leaders. The men may be
seeking better working conditions but their leaders are behaving politically.
Their agenda is attacking and undermining a Tory government; there is no excuse
for this action as the employers have said no one will be made to work through
the night.
The
unions are losing their cache of sympathy among the British public; and if the
union leaders carry on their class war with their employers and Tory
governments, then the latter may bite back as it did in the 1980s, and will
weaken them even further. The age of steam and the Left's prototype capitalist
with his top hat and carrying a rich-living paunch, while smoking a fat cigar,
no longer appears on the public radar.
Above I
mentioned the slothfulness of the British car workers in the 1970s, and the
weakness of their managers to do anything about them; and the cravenness of the
politicians towards the union bosses at the time: the wild cat strikes that the
all powerful shop stewards were able to call and the weakness of their trade
union leaders in trying to discipline them. Not only productivity but quality
fell short and impacted upon sales, only to be bailed out by public money
through nationalisation - this noun has caused more harm to this country's
economy Hitler.
But
today our car industry's performance is among the very best in the world and
due purely to the efforts of British workers, who wish to live the dream;
their dream and not that of union leaders; as was the case 40 years ago. The
malaise within the car industry that existed then has been turned around by its
workers. Their dream is, maybe, to own their own home and bring up a family –
and this is the best of all motives to enthuse them.
THATCHER to this day is loathed and despised by the Left.
But she turned the economy around, and even Labour under the banner of New Labour
had to accept the inevitable - that unions had been a drag anchor on
technological progress if it meant losing members to technological innovation.
All we have to do is look at the printing industry when computerisation
overtook the lead typeface; it resulted in the battle of Grunwick, where the
satanic presence of (from the union's view point) Rupert Murdock sought to
bring the publishing industry into the modern age. But if this age meant
redundancies, then the unions were Full Square against then. The print unions
had had it all their own for so long: their over mighty power had made editors
and publishers kow-tow to the various shop stewards.
But
Murdock would have none of it – thus the battle of Grunwick, where Murdock
locked out the print unions. History was on Murdock's side. But this wily and
brash Australian not only saved his own publications but the publications in
Fleet Street as a whole at the time – but he received little gratitude for his
efforts.
When in
the 19th and the first half of the 20th century unions
were indispensable, they deserved the support they gained, including from me a
one-time Marxist. But today they have outlived any need – and when that need
reappears under capitalism; I will support it.
No comments:
Post a Comment